Friday, March 17, 2017

Victorian Funeral Customs and Superstitions

Victorian Funeral Customs and Superstitions

Curtains would be drawn and clocks would be stopped at the time of death. Mirrors were covered with crape or veiling to prevent the deceased’s spirit from getting trapped in the looking glass.  A wreath of laurel, yew or boxwood tied with crape or black ribbons was hung on the front door to alert passersby that a death had occurred. The body was watched over every minute until burial, hence the custom of “waking”.  The wake also served as a safeguard from burying someone who was not dead, but in a coma.  Most wakes also lasted 3-4 days to allow relatives to arrive from far away. The use of flowers and candles helped to mask unpleasant odors in the room before embalming became common. In 19th century Europe and America the dead were carried out of the house feet first, in order to prevent the spirit from looking back into the house and beckoning another member of the family to follow him.  Family photographs were also sometimes turned face-down to prevent any of the close relatives and friends of the deceased from being possessed by the spirit of the dead.

Grave robbery by the “Resurrectionist Men”, often doctors themselves was a problem in the 19th century as medical schools needed fresh cadavers for dissection classes.  “Bricking-over” a grave was a way of guaranteeing some security after death. The fear of a loved one being buried alive inspired coffin makers to design warning systems such as a bell on the grave which was connected by a chain to the inside of the coffin in cases of premature burial, thus the expression, “Saved by the bell.”  Small cakes, known as “funeral biscuits” were wrapped in white paper and sealed with black sealing wax and given to guests as favors. Lavish meals, or collations, were often served after internment. Burial usually followed four days after death.

In many cemeteries, the vast majority of graves are oriented in such a manner that the bodies lie with their heads to the West and their feet to the East. This very old custom appears to originate with the Pagan sun worshippers, but is primarily attributed to Christians who believe that the final summons to Judgment will come from the East.

Personal stationery and handkerchiefs carried a black border, with a wide border indicating a very recent death.

White was a popular color for the funeral of a child. White gloves, ostrich plumes and a white coffin were the standard.

Superstitions

If the deceased has lived a good life, flowers would bloom on his grave; but if he has been evil, only weeds would grow.

If several deaths occur in the same family, tie a black ribbon to everything left alive that enters the house, even dogs and chickens. This will protect against deaths spreading further.

Never wear anything new to a funeral, especially shoes.

You should always cover your mouth while yawning so your spirit doesn’t leave you and the devil never enters your body.

Stop the clock in a death room or you will have bad luck.

To lock the door of your home after a funeral procession has left the house is bad luck.

If rain falls on a funeral procession, the deceased will go to heaven.

If you hear a clap of thunder following a burial it indicates that the soul of the departed has reached heaven.

If you hear 3 knocks and no one is there, it usually means someone close to you has died. The superstitious call this the 3 knocks of death. 

It is bad luck to meet a funeral procession head on. If you see one approaching, turn around.  If this is unavoidable, hold on to a button until the funeral cortege passes.

Large drops of rain warn that there has just been a death.

If you leave something that belongs to you to the deceased, that means the person will come back to get you.

If a firefly/lightning bug gets into your house someone will soon die.

If you smell roses when none are around someone is going to die.

 If you don’t hold your breath while going by a graveyard you will not be buried.

If you see yourself in a dream, your death will follow.

If you see an owl in the daytime, there will be a death.

If you dream about a birth, someone you know will die.

If it rains in an open grave then someone in the family will die within the year.

If a bird pecks on your window or crashes into one that there has been a death.


If a sparrow lands on a piano, someone in the home will die.

If a picture falls off the wall, there will be a death of someone you know.

If you spill salt, throw a pinch of the spilt salt over your shoulder to prevent death.

Never speak ill of the dead because they will come back to haunt you or you will suffer misfortune.

Two deaths in the family means that a third is sure to follow.

The cry of a curlew or the hoot of an owl foretells a death.

A single snowdrop growing in the garden foretells a death.

Having only red and white flowers together in a vase (especially in hospital) means a death will soon follow.

Dropping an umbrella on the floor or opening one in the house means that there will be a murder in the house.

A diamond-shaped fold in clean linen portends death.

A dog howling at night when someone in the house is sick is a bad omen. It can be reversed by reaching under the bed and turning over a shoe.

Information Gathered From Friends of Oak Grove Cemetery


Mourning in the Georgian Era

by Geri Walton

Everyone is usually familiar with Victorian mourning and its strict etiquette and rules. Mourning in the Georgian Era also had rules associated with it and those rules varied. For instance, in 1782 there was no general mourning when Prince Alfred died as etiquette established “never to go into mourning for any of the blood-royal of England under 14 years of age, unless [they were] … the heir-apparent.” When the Princess Dowager died, mourning lasted six months and theatres were closed for three weeks, whereas when Princess Amelia of Great Britain died in 1786 the mourning period lasted six weeks and theatres were closed for a mere ten days.

Georgians, just like Victorians, wore black when in mourning. Black was worn to denote privation of life,” as black was considered the “privation of light.” The Irish author and satirist Jonathan Swift noted that despite wearing black, Georgian Era mourning was sometimes neither strict nor somber. He demonstrated this when he wrote that “he always observed the merriest faces in mourning coaches.” One gentleman added to Swift’s comment that “black clothes are but seldom accompanied with sorrowful countenances.” The gentleman also maintained that at least two women he knew, who had not recently lost a relative, became “very  “the melancholy” as mourning clothes were of “great advantage to their complexions.”

The two melancholy women mentioned above were not the only ones to show improper decorum when it came to mourning. For instance, it was reported that a man named Sir Henry Lovejoy went to a new play “in black and weepers; and though he had buried his wife but a week, he laughed as hearty as if he was to have been married the next day.” There was also a certain lady who reputedly danced at Cornelys’ just a fortnight after her husband’s death, and a son whose father had so severely restricted his finances, that upon the father’s death the son “immediately rifled the strong box … and swore he would not return home till his father was buried, and every farthing spent.”

Although some Georgians were willing to abide by proper etiquette and rules when it came to mourning, one Georgian gentleman in 1769 felt that disrespectful mourning had gotten out of hand. He wrote to the editor of the Town and Country Magazine hoping to improve the decorum of Georgian mourners. He stated that if that happened “foreigners will no longer be able to twit us with all want of decency; and we shall approach a little more towards rational beings.” He also offered various rules and etiquette for Georgians mourners, and provided a bit of humor with it. He suggested his ideas be used by wives mourning for their husbands, husbands mourning for their wives, and heirs mourning for their fathers.

Here are his suggestions:

Wives Mourning for Their Husbands:
  • The first week wives were not to appear in public.
  • They were also not to be without a handkerchief, even in private.
  • The second Sunday they were to be “much affected with the sermon; the handkerchief not omitted.”
  • After the first month, the widowed wife could attend a tragedy and then “weep in character, either at the play, or the loss of her husband.”
  • The second month, she was allowed to attend a comedy and she could “smile but not languishingly.”
  • The third month, allowed for laughter at a play or dancing at Cornelys’ with her perspective bridegroom.
  • The fourth month permitted her to jump into her intended arms, and “finish her widow-hood.
Husband’s Mourning for Their Wives:
  • The husband was directed to “weep, or seem to weep at the funeral.”
  • He could not be seen at the chocolate house for the first week and was supposed to provide a “proper sigh whenever good wives, or even matrimony [was] mentioned.”
  • The third week allowed for a mistress, if he did not have one.
  • The fourth week he could appear in public.
  • The second month he could obtain more mistresses if he chose not to marry, as mistresses supposedly provided solace for his melancholy.
Heirs Mourning for Their Fathers:
  • The heir was instructed not to leave before the funeral ended, although horses, dogs, and equipages could be readied for his departure.
  • The disposition of the estate, gardens, etc. could be examined.
  • Additional servants could be hired if needed and they could be put into mourning.
  • Immediately after the funeral women were allowed to call on the heir or he could visit them.
  • The heir could also frequent the “gaming table [or] get admitted [as] a member of the Jockey Club [or] the Franciscan Friars.”
  • Finally, if not ruined by too early expiration of his mourning, he could also discard his mourning dress.
Of course, not everyone was so lighthearted when it came to death and mourning. Public figures had epic funerals and associated with them was epic mourning. For instance, when Horatio Nelson, 1st Viscount Nelson, died, besides a specific order in which the funeral procession was to proceed, there were numerous mourning coaches and his body was covered with a black velvet pall. Nelson’s servants were also “in mourning” and rode in a “mourning coach,” and at least one mourning coach bore several gentlemen “in their full uniform coats, with black cloth waistcoats, breeches, and black stockings, and crape round their arms and hats.” In 1798, there was a report of a woman dressed in deep mourning who had lost her husband and two sons in the war. She hoped to present a petition to the majesties but was prevented, although she eventually succeeded in throwing her petition into their carriage, where it fell upon Princess Elizabeth’s lap.

Mourning rules were also associated with families, relatives, and servants in the Georgian Era. In the Life of Harriot Stuart, written in 1750 by the English poet and authoress, Charlotte Lennox, she noted:

“[The] length of time devoted to mourning, and the apparent intensity with which one mourned, were determined to a large extent by the relationship that … existed between the two people and the ‘public knowledge of that relationship’ … mourning was usually only done for kindred, and … the formal rules that governed mourning, which specified an exact amount of time for each degree of kinship, ‘showed that servants were excluded from family.'”

This meant that mourning by any employer for one of their servant’s, indicated their relationship was more of a friendship than mere employer and domestic.

References:
Annual Register, Vol. 1798, 1800
Friday’s Post, in Ipswich Journal, pg. 2, 24 August 1782
“Friday’s Post and Express,” in Norfolk Chronicle, pg. 4, 2 October 1790
Lennox, Charlotte, The Life of Harriot Stuart, Written by Herself, 1750
The European Magazine and London Review, Vol. 49, 1769
The Order to be Observed in the Public Funeral Procession of the Late Vice-Admiral Horatio Viscount Nelson, Vol. 8, 1806
“Wednesday & Thursday’s Posts,” in Northampton Mercury, pg. 2, 4 November 1786

Urban, Sylvanus, The Gentleman’s Magazine and Historical Chronicle, 1806

Funerals in Eighteenth Century Virginia


A Research Report by Thad Tate
Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.  (1956)

Funerals in colonial Virginia were to some extent social as well as solemn occasions. The friends and relatives of a dead person had often gathered at his plantation from considerable distances. Once they had made the tedious journey, they might expect to stay several days. The necessity of feeding them during this time meant that a certain amount of feasting became an expected part of the funeral. Even in cases where people did not come from so far off, at least one meal was in all probability provided for those who were present.

Drinking was also quite common at seventeenth century funerals and may have continued with some frequency into the eighteenth. However, there was an obvious reaction just prior to 1700 against the huge amounts of liquor being consumed at funerals. Some people even began to specify in their wills that nothing to drink should be provided, and so the practice may have moderated somewhat. There are, however, other evidences, such as the three gallons of wine and nineteen gallons of other spirits provided at the burial of one John McClanahan in 1774, that drinking was still prevalent at Virginia funerals.

The funeral service for a member of the planter class or for some other person of wealth and position customarily was quite elaborate. The attendance vas usually large. Near relatives and a good many more distant ones; friends and fellow planters; humbler neighbors from near-by small farms; and the servants and slaves of the plantation were all likely to be present. Those closest to the dead wore some indication of mourning, either full mourning clothes or a black ribbon or armband. They might also have been left mourning rings and mourning gloves by the will of the dead person.

Funerals usually took place at home, and there was considerable resistance to the idea of holding them in church. Likewise the church graveyards were largely for the burial of transients or persons who lived very close to the church. A family burying ground in the garden or at some other convenient location on the plantation was much more popular. Hugh Jones' Present State of Virginia (1724) describes these preferences very succinctly:

The Parishes being of great Extent (some sixty Miles long and upwards) many dead Corpses cannot be conveyed to the Church to be buried: So that it is customary to bury in Gardens or Orchards, where whole Families lye interred together, in a Spot generally handsomely enclosed, planted with Evergreens, and the Graves kept decently: Hence likewise arises the Occasion of preaching Funeral Sermons In Houses, where at Funerals are assembled a great Congregation of Neighbours and Friends; and if you insist upon having the Sermon and Ceremony at Church, they'll say they will be without it, unless performed after their usual Custom.

As Jones' description indicates there was a funeral sermon delivered by the rector of the parish, not too different from modern funeral sermons except for its greater length. The clergyman would also read the Anglican Order for the Burial of the Dead as it appears in the English Prayer Book of 1662, this being the prayer book in use in the colonies from that date until the end of the Revolution. The vestments worn by the clergyman would depend upon whether he wore his ordinary habit or dressed as he would have for a service in the church. If in street attire he would have worn a long cassock, cincture (sash), gown or black or grey coat, tippet (long black scarf), a soft black square cap or a black cocked hat, a large wig, and bands (a soft white linen neckcloth with two pendant tabs. Vested for church he would have exchanged the gown or coat for a linen surplice, probably at this time one which buttoned up the front and was full and long. He would have removed the tippet and then probably have put it back on over the surplice together with a hood. His hat, of course, would be removed.

The one or two contemporary illustrations which are available here strongly suggest that in the case of a funeral a clergyman would have appeared in ordinary habit rather than wearing a surplice. The cassock would, however, certainly stamp him distinctly as a cleric. As illustrations of eighteenth century clerical dress we have in our files color slides of a former member of the staff correctly vested and standing in the pulpit of Bruton Parish. There are also several contemporary illustrations, mostly English but certainly applicable, in our Graphic Arts File. A list of these has been compiled and will be held for use, if needed.

It is probable that the parish clerk might have been present at any funeral to assist the clergyman with responses, etc., since he is specifically mentioned as one of the persons to be included in the funeral procession in several wills. Like the clergyman he wore a cassock, bands, and wig.

It is clear from the contemporary records that Virginians made a sharp distinction between the funeral and the burial, much more so than today when the two words are often interchangeable in popular usage. The funeral referred to the gathering of mourners for the sermon and other suitable memorials. The burial involved only the actual interment of the body. It was moreover possible to separate these two parts of the service by intervals or as much as several weeks, especially if the deceased had requested a more or less private burial.

There is some indication of the firing of guns at Virginia funerals. However, this seems largely to have been a seventeenth-century custom. There was, for instance, a 1655 law in the colony against the wasting or powder at entertainments, but weddings and funerals were both exempted from its restrictions. There is much less evidence of this custom in the eighteenth century; so it probably should not be included in any representation of a funeral of the later colonial period.

Where the funeral and the burial were observed at the same time or where the burial was not private, some sort of procession from the house or church to the burying ground took place with a greater or lesser degree of ceremony. The following, which describes the funeral of Col. John Hutchings of Norfolk in 1768, is undoubtedly a rather elaborate procession:

He was yesterday carried to the place of interment by six reputable tradesmen, his pall supported by six Aldermen, preceded by a party of the militia with their muskets clubbed, muffled drums, and mourning banners, and was followed by a numerous offspring, a great number of relations, and a very great concourse of people of all ranks and degrees.

A much simpler procession would have been that of Mrs. Elizabeth Stith, a wealthy widow of Isle of Wight County, whose will specified that she should have "a decent burial, with only my relations and near neighbors at it; and that the parson and clark with the four men that bear me to the grave shall have hat bands and gloves;…"

The following account by a traveler in Virginia in the 1780's, Robert Banter, gives a rather full description of a funeral — and a fairly elaborate one — which took place some weeks after the actual burial:

This morning I dressed myself in mourning to go to poor Mr. Hopper's funeral with Mr. George McCall. It's the custom in this part or the country to have the funeral service performed two or three weeks after the person is buried — a very foolish one in my opinion, as it only serves to renew the grief of the relations. People were invited all the way from James River to it [this apparently occurred near Tappahannock]. Mr. Mathews, the parson who married them about six weeks ago, read the service. As soon as it was over, the ladies walked into one room and the gentlemen into another, where a table was spread with funeral cake and wine sealed with black. After this followed a cold dinner. Neither Mrs. Ritchie nor Mrs. Hopper appeared…

Many of the descriptions of funerals and burials which do survive are those of extremely elaborate rites. Two of the best accounts, for instance, are those of the funerals for Lord Botetourt, the next to last royal governor, and for Peyton Randolph, the Speaker of the House of Burgesses, who died attending the Continental Congress at Philadelphia. but was returned to Williamsburg for burial. These were exceptional; they might well have been the two most ceremonious funerals in the entire history of colonial Virginia. But, as the evidence above might suggest, even the death of the average planter often called for a funeral attended by a large gathering and marked by a high degree of formal ceremony.

At the same time there was a counter-movement in the direction of simpler funerals setting in during the twenty-five years or so before the American Revolution. Many planters who possessed both the means and the social position to warrant the fullest funeral observances were stipulating by will that they should be interred quietly and without great formality. These were men such as Thomas Lee of Westmoreland County who complained of the "indecent mirth" at funerals and asked that his burial service consist of only the church ceremony attended by those relatives and friends who were near and that a funeral sermon be preached in his parish church on some day other than that of the burial.

The specific instructions of such men, who as Charles Carter of Cleve said of himself, "never delighted in funeral pomps," are a valuable source of evidence for the type of simple funeral which they desired but also for the more prevalent funeral customs which they abhorred. Quite commonly they sought to introduce one or more of the following modifications in the traditional ceremonies:

1.) Keeping the burial portion of the ceremony private or nearly private. Thomas Lee's request on this score is mentioned above, and Charles Carter asked that his buria1 take place at night and be kept as private as possible. The usual request was, like that of Thomas Lee's, that attendance at the actual burial be held to relatives and near neighbors.

2.) Elimination of the funeral sermon. Not only was the sermon moved to another day from the interment; it was omitted altogether, much in keeping with modern Anglican practice. There are numerous examples of this (e.g., Philip Grymes of Middlesex County who requested "no funeral sermon—prayers only").

3.) Restrictions in the use of mourning clothes. This was so commonly asked that it seems safe to conclude that, even where the funeral remained rather elaborate, there was a general trend in the direction of simpler mourning observances. To some extent the non-importation agreements of the pre-Revolutionary era promoted this, since black ribbon and clothes probably had to be imported; but it was a movement that was well under way before 1765.

Charles Carter's will was very detailed in his instructions on mourning. He asked that only his children appear in mourning and that any other relatives should wear "Common Clothes, the men with a black Crape on their left arm and the women with a black knot on their left side…" He added, "I do positively forbid the putting of any of my servants in mourning, having always determined within myself as much as my power lay, by setting a proper example, to put a stop to the ridiculous custom of involving familys by pompous funerals and mournings… "

There are other examples, too. Philip Grymes wanted only his wife in mourning and only if she so chose. Mrs. Stith in her instructions for a very simple procession also mentioned that the pallbearers should have only black hatbands and gloves. And Philip Rootes of King and Queen County wanted none of his family to go into mourning.

4.) The use of common men as pallbearers. This sometimes occurred even at important funerals and may have been in reality a long-standing practice; for Sir John Randolph who was entombed in the Chapel of the Wren Building in 1737 had specified that his body should be carried by six poor house-keepers of Bruton Parish. One of the most interesting requests is that of Philip Rootes who wanted four of his Negro slaves as pallbearers.

Any attempt to describe a funeral of a Virginia plantation owner of the 1760's or 1770's must then really take into account two diverse characteristics, first of all, the traditionally elaborate ceremony attended by a large number of mourners, but, secondly, the increasing note of simplicity in the burial customs of the age. Depending upon which of these features received the greater emphasis a funeral scene laid in this time and place could show considerable variation in the size of the gathering and in the degree of formality observed and still retain its claim to authenticity.

The following outline, which follows a middle course between the divergent trends in funerals, suggests one possible example of a representative funeral of the period:

Attendance. Even if the funeral were represented as a fairly simple one, there should probably be a large number of people present — and a very varied cross-section of the rural population of Virginia. Besides the members of the family, there might be a number of men, obviously wealthy planters and of the same social class as the deceased, with their wives. As many, or perhaps even more, plainer people, representing the neighboring small farmers, and the slaves of the plantation should also be present. Then the clergyman and his clerk would complete the mourners.

Pallbearers. Even some of the really large funerals, such as that of Peyton Randolph mention only six pallbearers. Apparently four or six were the usual number in most cases. As some of the above examples have shown, these men could have ranged all the way from fellow planters to Negro slaves of the deceased.

Mourning dress. This is one of the details on which the greatest amount of variation is possible. The best description which we found is that of the very simple mourning requested by Charles Carter with all but the closest relatives in ordinary clothes, the men wearing black crape on their left arm and the women with a black knot on their left side. Mourning gloves for the pallbearers might also be depicted. Fuller discussion of mourning dress will require consultation with Mrs. Walsh, who is in charge of our Costuming Department.

Place of Burial. There is no problem here at all, as any attractive and well-landscaped plot either in the garden or elsewhere on the plantation served as a final resting place for the family.

Details of the funeral and burial. There could or could not be a sermon by the clergyman, but almost certainly he would read all, or portions of, the burial service from the English Prayer Book of 1662. His dress and that of the parish clerk, who also would probably be present, would have been as indicated above. If both the funeral and burial were being held, then there would have been a procession to the grave, joined by all the people present.

The funeral as a social gathering. If any sizeable number of people were present, then the fact that the sadness of the occasion was partly alleviated by its being in part a social gathering should not be overlooked. There would perhaps be a spread of food after the burial and a good deal of conversation among the people present.




Saturday, January 7, 2017

Brigadier General Henry Howard Whitney (1866 - 1949)

Recipient of US Army "Distinguished Service Cross".
Lieutenant Colonel, Assistant Adjutant General to Lieutenant General Miles, 6 June to 8 August 1903.

Epitaph reads: "Henry Howard Whitney, No. 3640 Class of 1892, died on April 2, 1949 in Madison, New Jersey, at the age of 82. The 32 years of service Brigadier General Henry Howard Whitney gave to the United States Army and his country were repleat with many valorous exploits, one of which led to the successful conquest of a country and saved thousands of lives without endangering that of anyone except his own."


Find a Grave Memorial - Brigadier General Henry Howard Whitney

*************************************************************

WHITNEY Henry Howard

Officer, US Army; born at Glen Hope, Clearfield County, Pa., Dec. 25, 1866; son of the Rev. Walter Richard Whitney and Eliza Kegerreis Whitney. He was educated at Wiiliamsport Dickinson Seminary, receiving the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1884; and was graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1892. He married at Washington, D.C., Feb. 25, 1897, Ellen Wadsworth Closson, daughter of General Henry W Closson of the United States Army. He is a member of the National Geographic Society, Washington, D.C.; is a Mason and a member of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion and the Society of American Wars. He served on special duty at the War Department in Military Information Division, April 1, 1896 to 1898; appointed military attache to Argentine Republic; under verbal orders from the secretary of war he communicated with General Gomez from the north coast of Cuba in May, 1898, during hostilities and made a military reconnaissance of the Island of Porto Rico, disguised as an English sailor, landing at Ponce; furnished information which was made the basis of the military campaign in Porto Rico; was on General Nelson A. Miles' staff during Spanish-American War to Aug. 8, 1903; is now captain of the Coast Artillery Corps. United States Army. He traveled around the world with General Miles, as lieutenant colonel and aide de camp in 1902-1903; also over Europe on confidential official business in 1899. He is a member of the Chevy Chase and Metropolitan Clubs of Washington, D.C., and the St. Nicholas Club of New York City. Residence: 1359 Columbia Road, Washington, D.C. Address: War Department, Washington


Transcribed from Who's Who in Pennsylvania, A Biographical Dictionary of Contemporaries, Edited by John W. Leonard.  Second Edition 1908.  L.R. Hamersly & Company, One West Thirty-Fourth Street, New York.

Daniel Morrell Stackhouse (1866 - 1943)

STACKHOUSE Daniel Morrell

Superintendent, Open Hearth Department, Cambria Steel Company; born in Johnstown, Pa 1866; son of Powell Stackhouse and Lucy Roberts Stackhouse. He was graduated from the University of Pennsylvania in 1887, receiving the degree of B.S., and received the degree of mining engineer from same institution, in 1888. He married at Philadelphia, in 1893, Katharine E Benkert, and they have four children: Rebecca, Powell, Daniel, and Katharine. Mr Stackhouse was an assistant to the superintendent, Blast Furnace Department, Cambria Steel Company, 1888-1890; assistant to superintendent, Metallurgical Department, 1890-1892; superintendent, Cambria Steel Company, Works Order Department, 1892-1897; superintendent, Open Hearth, 1897-1900; superintendent, Open Hearth Department, 1900-1908. He is a director of Johnstown Trust Company; and member of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion. In politics he is a Republican. Mr. Stackhouse is a member of Amicus Club, Physical Culture Club, Johnstown Country Club. Address 147 Fayette Street, Westmont Cambria Steel Company, Johnstown Pa.

Transcribed from Who's Who in Pennsylvania, A Biographical Dictionary of Contemporaries, Edited by John W. Leonard.  Second Edition 1908.  L.R. Hamersly & Company, One West Thirty-Fourth Street, New York.

Find A Grave Memorial - Daniel Morrell Stackhouse

MacFarlane, The Honorable James Rieman (1858 - 1938)

Biography from MacFarlane Family Archives - University of Pittsburgh Library

Biography
James Rieman Macfarlane was born in Towanda, Bedford Co., Pennsylvania on April 20, 1858, the son of James and Mary (Overton) Macfarlane. In 1891 he was admitted to the Allegheny County Bar. James Macfarlane was elected Judge of the Court of Common Pleas Court No. 1 in the Autumn of 1902, and re-elected in 1912 and 1922. On April 30, 1930 James Macfarlane became President Judge; he retired from the bench in January 1934. In addition to his responsibilities as Judge, Macfarlane was a lecturer at the University of Pittsburgh Law School, President of the Allegheny County Board of Prison Inspectors, a Trustee of the Carnegie Institute of Technology, and a member of the City of Pittsburgh Board of Public Education.

After marrying in 1888, James R. Macfarlane was widowed by his first wife, Lizzie Montanye. His second wife, Ruth Fletcher, was originally from Indianapolis, the daughter of an engine manufacturer. James and Ruth Macfarlane had four children: Elizabeth, Malcolm F., James W. and Jesse. James Rieman Macfarlane died on December 2, 1938. Elizabeth Macfarlane attended Miss Porter's School for Girls in Farmington, Hartford Co., Connecticut from 1913-1915.

*******************************************

Transcribed from Who's Who in Pennsylvania, A Biographical Dictionary of Contemporaries, Edited by John W. Leonard. Second Edition 1908. L.R. Hamersly & Company, One West Thirty-Fourth Street, New York.

MACFARLANE, James E

Jurist. born April 20 1858 at Towanda Pa. son of James and Mary Overton Macfarlane. He was graduated from Princeton in 1878; studied law at Towanda, Pa and was admitted to the Bradford County, Pa bar in 1880. He removed to Pittsburgh and was admitted to the Allegheny County bar March 2, 1881, engaging in practice there until he was elected, in 1902 a judge of the Court of Common Pleas No. 1, of Allegheny County, for a term of ten years from the first Monday of January, 1903. He is a Republican in politics and a member of the Duquesne Club of Pittsburgh. Address Woodland Road, Pittsburgh.

Find A Grave Memorial - James Rieman MacFarlane

McDowell, William Leander (1843 ~ ? )

Information Obtained from Dickinson College Class of 1863 Book








McDOWELL William Leander

Clergyman; born in Glen Riddle, Pennsylvania Nov 22 1843; son Archibald and Mary Ann Riddle McDowell. He was graduated from Dickinson College as AB in 1863; DD in 1890; He married in 1869 Anna R Sewell of Vienna Dorchester County, Maryland and they have three children: Margaret R., Archibald S., and Theodore L. He was admitted to the Conference of the Methodist Church in 1865; pastor from 1865 1897; presiding elder of the Northwest District from 1897 to 1903; pastor 1903-1907 of Columbia Avenue Church, Philadelphia; since 1907 pastor of Centenary Church, Lebanon, Pa. Dr. McDowell was statistical secretary of the Philadelphia Conference from 1882 to 1897; delegate to the General Conferences of 1892 and 1900; first reserve delegate the General Conferences of 1888 and 1896; member and secretary of the Book Committee of the Methodist Church 1900 to 1904; now member the Board of Home Missions and Extension, president of the Conference Board of Church Extension president of Trustees of Education Fund and member of several other church boards. Address 33 North 10th Street, Lebanon Pa.

Transcribed from Who's Who in Pennsylvania, A Biographical Dictionary of Contemporaries, Edited by John W. Leonard.  Second Edition 1908.  L.R. Hamersly & Company, One West Thirty-Fourth Street, New York.